The Taj Mahal is an exquisite example of Mughal architecture. In 1632, the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan ordered the construction of this monument and tomb for the love of his life, Mumtaz Mahal. The Taj is covered with intricate carvings in marble with gemstone insets and is the largest tourist attraction in India. Its beauty is adored worldwide and the Taj is considered one of the greatest feats of architectural beauty known to man.

Ahsanullah Moni, Bangladeshi film director, has traveled to the Taj Mahal in India six times. In the 1980s, Moni envisioned a Taj Mahal that could be accessible to all Bangladeshi people. Moni bought land in Sonargaon, 20 miles northeast of Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, and proceeded to build a replica Taj Mahal. Newspapers reported that Moni spent around $58 million to build it, importing marble and granite from Italy and diamonds from Belgium.

In late 2008, the replica Taj was completed and opened to the public. It soon became clear that the replica Taj was not as beautiful or grand as was promised. According to Prothom Alo, a Bangladeshi newspaper, visitors felt cheated and believed that the entire replica Taj was a publicity stunt and a money scam.

There was no evidence of the marble and granite imported from Italy, or the diamonds from Belguim. Moni denies that the replica Taj is a money scam and has stated that he cannot be held responsible for visitors’ reactions to his building.

But Moni’s replica Taj costs about 50 taka to enter, and will soon cost 100 taka. That is approximately $1.44, which is more than what 41% of the Bangladeshi population makes in a day. The belief that the replica Taj is a money scam is easy to believe, especially with Moni’s response to complaints of being cheated.

Bangladesh has long been known to turn out literary wonders, amazing scientists, singers, and engineers. Before the partitioning of India, Bangladesh was part of Bengal, and in this era turned out world renowned poet, philosopher, and author Rabindranath Tagore. Bangladesh has been home to Runa Laila, famous throughout Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh for having a voice as beautiful as that of the sirens of Greek mythology. Jagdish Chandra Bose was a famous physicist and engineer. The man who designed the Sears Tower and pioneered tube construction, Fazlur Rahman Khan, is from Bangladesh. One cannot forget Kazi Nazrul Islam, another brilliant poet who was originally of Bengal, but settled in Bangladesh in his later years.

These pioneers of the arts and the sciences are from a land where 45% of the people live in dire poverty and over half of the population survives on earnings from agriculture. Bangladesh is highly vulnerable to natural disasters such as flooding because it is situated at the confluence of three rivers and is on very low-lying land. Between the devastation suffered at the hands of nature and the corruption that is inherent in the Government of Bangladesh, the people receive close to nothing for basic survival. Perhaps that $58 million dollars spent on the replica Taj could be used to help build dams, or fund irrigation projects for crops or water purification projects. Perhaps that 58 million dollars could be used to show the world that Bangladesh has much more to offer than poverty and farms.

The spirit of the Bangladeshi people should be admired. The ability to sustain their people and continue to eke out a living from the soil should be admired. The creativity of the artists and scientist and engineers, who are exports from Bangladesh in themselves, should also be admired and paid tribute to.

Although Moni claims to have paid his respects to the beauty of the Taj by bringing it to Bangladesh, to people who cannot afford to travel and see the real Taj, it seems more as if he has just found a way to line his own pocket. It is sad to see a man throw away $58 million dollars that could be used for so many better things for Bangladesh.

References:
World CIA Fact Book: Bangladesh
World Bank 2007 Statistics
AFP: Bangladeshi ‘Taj Mahal’ Owner Slams Critics
Replica of Taj Draws Thousands of Viewers Daily
Bangladesh to Open Own Taj Mahal

Photo Courtesy: bhalla_neet

The year ended with a victorious Indian team holding aloft the RBS cup. They’ve already been christened the number one Test Team by former England coach, David Lloyd and former India stumper, Farokh Engineer, is not the only person to believe that Indian Captain, Mahendra Singh Dhoni, can do no wrong. The blue eyed boy of Indian Cricket has won 4 out of the 5 tests he’s captained. Who knows, if the fog had lifted earlier at Mohali, and if he had shown that any chance of victory was greater than personal milestones, then that record could have been without blemish.

There was plenty to cheer about this year for India. Virender Sehwag showed us, with frenetic knocks, that Test Cricket could use a bit more urgency. His batting feats included an outrageous 319 off 304 balls against South Africa and an 83 against England that got him the Man of the Match award ahead of Andrew Strauss, who could only doff his hat to Sehwag after scoring centuries in both innings. Sehwag’s opening partner, Gautam Gambhir, finally cemented his place in both the ODI and Test setup with the kind of consistency you would expect from a Rahul Dravid. Ishant Sharma bowled the best spell of the year as Ricky Ponting searched for a life-line and Zaheer Khan showed that a ball without shine is not going to stop him from incrementing that wickets column.

We were tremendous in the one-day circuit this year with 19 victories in 27 completed games. A lot of our success on that front can be owed to Yuvraj Singh, whose punches and nudges were enough to knock the leather off the ball, and whose crisp drives and pulls reminded you of that left handed genius from Trinidad. He may have also put to rest concerns of his caliber at the Test level by winning a Test match with none other than Sachin Tendulkar, but we’ll wait and see. 

I don’t blame you if the misery we suffered at the hands of two Sri Lankan off-spinners who seemed to control the ball with their minds seems like a distant memory. Cricket is a sport that we fervent followers look to for instant gratification - it can be five days long at times, but even a great session’s play will make us feel like we are the number one team in the world. The fact that we are a fickle kind also meant that we questioned the very same gentlemen whose names we shouted hoarse in the past. Sourav Ganguly, quite fittingly, retired on a high with his best Test series against the opposition that gave him the most heart-ache, and Anil Kumble showed that if a broken jaw wasn’t going to stop him, then damn a broken hand, as he too bid goodbye to us.

It was a year when we saw Indian Cricket make quite a few Cricketers forget about saving for their retirement with the hugely successful Indian Premier League; a year when every Indian mother’s favorite son, Sachin Tendulkar, played his most significant Test innings at the cauldron at Chepauk, and gave us unbridled joy at a time when we needed it most; a year when Indian Cricket found a leader who is inexplicably honest and for unknown reasons, views this as just a game.

The future is bright.

Photo Courtesy: ali_pk

But only when one peeks into the lives of the poor and the stagnant and ponders over the perilous penalty that they are put through without reason or charge; when she parts the drape between herself and the pauper sitting on the pavement; when she sees the poor boy peeling the skin off of a rotten potato and parting the pieces among his party; when she understands that there is a personality in the individual others regard a pole, impeding the path towards their own purposes, and surpasses her own personal parameters to peck at the poor man’s passivity; when she catches the eye of a policeman pushing a limping passerby onto the asphalt, and feels pity pluck at the strings of her heart; when she is able to perceive the aspirations of the little girl pawing on the porch with a piece of pink chalk; when she begins to perceive life as a painting, and is forced to become the pacifier of her own sense of propriety and pronounce the notion of predetermination invalid; when she plunges from her privileged perch into the filth that is little more than the product of pretense; when time politely punches her in the face and proves to her that the past has become the present, and will not hesitate to pervade the future; when she discovers that the paradigm of the status quo has become the parody that was projected by our forefathers; when she promulgates a plan that will pry our society free from the pits of the pernicious; when she purges the path to justice of the corrupt and the powerful, and puts up the ladder of purity securely, realizing that the pendulum of prayer has now become a plea for prosperity – then she may proudly claim the praiseworthy name of the Mother Teresa.

Photo Courtesy: ajoamb

The roots of almost every major conflict in the 20th and 21st centuries can be traced back to a rise in nationalism. Hand in hand with the rise of nationalism comes the power of religious fundamentalists and opportunistic politicians. A small tear-drop shaped country that produces tea treasured throughout the world, and has scenery to rival that of New Zealand’s, learned first hand the devastation caused by nationalism and its counterparts. Nationalism in Sri Lanka came in the form of lingual conflict more than anything else. Tamil or Sinhala was the crux of the matter.

Sri Lanka is made of a diverse population, the two major constituents of which are the Sinhalese Buddhists and the Tamil Hindus. Sinhala is a language that is similar to other Indo-Aryan languages such as Marathi and Gujurati. The Tamil language is part of the Dravidian branch of languages, primarily used in Southern India and Sri Lanka. It is important to note that there are also Sinhalese and Tamil Christians, Muslims, Tamil Buddhists, and Sinhalese Hindus. But the conflict is between the two primary factions of Tamil Hindus and Sinhalese Buddhists.

The Sinhalese far right contingent claims that Sri Lanka is Sihidipa, the island of the Sinhalese, and Dhammadipa, the land of Buddhism. The Sinhalese also believe that they were the first to settle Sri Lanka, and have contentious discussions with Tamils over who settled the land first. However, the idea of Buddhism and the Sinhalese right to Sri Lanka has continued and propagated through generations.

Sri Lanka has suffered through two of the most horrific civil wars witnessed by the world, and is presently engaged in an uneasy “covert” war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sinhalese-dominated Government of Sri Lanka.

It is a country violently torn between two opposing factions, consumed by hatred, accustomed to discrimination, and indoctrinated with a culture of war. Given such a tainted, hostile environment, one must wonder if peace can stand a chance. Although the issue between the factions in the war is now complex, it stemmed from a rather uncomplicated series of events.

Before independence, Tamils formed 33% of the civil service, 40% of the judicial service, and 31% of the students in the university system. But in Sri Lanka, Sinhalese were the majority population at 74%¹. After the right to vote was granted universally in 1931, and in an effort to ward off ethnic inequality, the Tamils and the Sinhalese joined as one force to demand independence from Britain through the 1930s and 40s.

When Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, the country was on a forked path. One fork led to ethnic conflict, the other to harmony. 1952 was the first true election campaign, and the major decision to be made revolved around whether the official language should be Sinhala, Tamil, or both, or remain English. During this election, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) took the platform supporting language parity. It seemed as though Sri Lanka would successfully transition into self-government without becoming a country of chaos.

However in 1956 the SLFP and their leader SWRD Bandaranaike reversed their language parity position and decided to pursue a platform of Sinhala only. This was possibly the greatest mistake in terms of future consequences, but also the best option for politically maneuvering SLFP into power.

Bandaranaike realized that the best way to mobilize the Sinhalese majority was to polarize the Tamils and the Sinhalese to opposite sides of the language issue. To accomplish this, Bandaranaike took to the streets and claimed that the Sinhalese were fighting against the Tamils in an issue that would determine whether or not they would be socially marginalized in a Tamil-dominated Sri Lanka. He even went so far as to threaten that the use of Tamil as a national language would eventually lead to complete assimilation into India.

Bandaranaike and his divisive platform went on to win the 1956 election, and that June, the House of Representatives passed Official Language Act No. 33, making Sinhala the only official language of Sri Lanka.

At first, the Tamil population reacted with non-violent protests but their efforts were met with Sinhalese anti-Tamil riots that killed over 150 Tamils. The consequences of the Sinhala Only Act were both immediate and far reaching. The Act in itself showed that Sri Lanka would be run by majority rule at the expense of the rights of the minority. It also served as an omen of the discriminatory actions that would later be taken by the Sri Lankan government in the name of protecting the Sinhalese from becoming a minority in Sri Lanka.

After the passage of the Sinhala Only Act, Bandaranaike made a pact with the Tamil’s Federal Party (FP) leader, Chelvanayakam, to allow the Tamil language to be used for all administrative purposes in the Northern and Eastern provinces (where the Tamils were concentrated). But the SLFP’s rival party, the United National Party (UNP), used demagoguery to rouse the masses and the idea of language parity disappeared again, buried under more Tamil corpses from anti-Tamil riots.The SLFP would not stand up to the UNP and sacrifice its grasp on power for a minority Tamil population.

In keeping with a notable South Asian trend, Bandaranaike was assassinated in 1959 by a Buddhist monk who, ironically, believed that Bandaranaike was not doing enough for the Sinhalese. Then, in keeping with another notable South Asian trend more or less perpetuated across the subcontinent to this very day, the SLFP put Bandaranaike’s wife, Sirimavo, in charge.

Sirimavo worked to expand the rift between the Sinhalese and the Tamils, and thereby solidify her own power. Under her rule, the government passed the Language of the Courts Bill in 1961, which forced all courts and officials to use only Sinhala. Although similar to the earlier ruling that made Sinhala the only national language, the ‘61 ruling effectively disenfranchised those who were Tamil and did not speak Sinhala. At the same time, Sirimavo replaced Tamils in government service positions with Sinhalese workers, and did away with the old guarantee of equality of opportunity. As though that wasn’t enough, during Sirimavo’s first years in government while still finishing her husband’s term, she managed to turn the Sri Lankan army into a force essentially dedicated to reducing the Tamil population and their rights.

In 1972, during her second session of government, Sirimavo passed a law that reinforced Sinhala as the only official language and also promoted Buddhism over over other religions. She supported ethnic quotas and cut-offs, and reworked the education system such that Tamil students had to score at least 20 points over the average acceptance score of the Sinhalese students in order to be competitive².

By the time Prime Minister Jayawardene (UNP) came into power in August of 1978, nothing could truly reverse the damaging effects of the past two decades of discrimination. Jayawardene did, however, pass a new constitution that made Tamil a national language and also created an electoral system designed to help Tamils influence who remained in power.

But the concessions came too little too late: the Tamils had already had enough, and rebelled in large numbers in the Northern and Eastern areas of Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, Jayawardene was no different from his predecessors in that he ignored the underlying causes of the rebellion, and resorted to military repression instead of dialogue.

In 1979, the government passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act that acted much like the current anti-terrorism acts in the United States. It suspended basic rights and gave the military and police authority to arrest anyone based purely on suspicion, and hundreds of Tamils were tortured and imprisoned as a result. The last straw was in July of 1983, when Tamil rebels killed a force of 13 soldiers. This roused the Sinhalese to action and led to many violent, deadly riots and massacres. Entire Tamil neighborhoods were burned down, people were dragged out of their homes and killed in the streets, businesses were torched, and the Sinhalese effectively set their economy, academia and society back by several decades.This was the beginning of the civil war³.

The most tragic part of all of the rioting is that the government failed to intervene, and in some instances, even aided in the deaths of the Tamils. The LTTE is not an outlet of mischief for a troublesome band of Tamil rebels, but an organization formed out of necessity, to stand up for Tamils at a time when nobody would. It is a monster of the Sinhalese government’s own creation.

In hindsight, Sri Lanka’s conflicts are examples of extreme administrative folly and political selfishness, perpetuated by nationalism. There is no excuse for the behavior of the politicians: had they not resorted to appealing to the worst in their people, and abused cultural differences and nationalist fervor to rile up the Sinhalese, then the deep divide between the Tamils and the Sinhalese would have been far less pronounced, the riots may never have occurred, and the culture of violence they spawned might never have been.

References:
1. CIA World Factbook
2. Politics of Conflict and Peace in Sri Lanka by P. Sahadevan and Neil Devotta.
3. Sri Lanka: Witness to History- A Journalist’s Memoirs by Subramanium Sivanayagam

Photo Courtesy: sharynmorrow, indi

When detectives in Pune, Maharashtra, interrogated Ms. Aditi Sharma about the death of her former fiancé, they went for the unconventional approach: they used Champadi Raman Mukundan’s invention, the Brain Electrical Oscillations Signature (BEOS) test. In this procedure, the suspect’s scalp is wired up with probes that will measure and compare electrical signals from particular portions of the brains. What is being analyzed, in effect, is whether the suspect remembers certain pieces of information being read out, instead of merely knowing it conceptually. And according to her interrogators, Ms. Sharma’s brain signals indicated that she was remembering certain pieces of information that only she, as the killer, would have known.

BEOS is, in effect, a sophisticated lie-detector – and scientists from outside India have mostly been treating it as the science fiction it appears to be. The main reason for this is that the research hasn’t yet been peer-reviewed. Many are appalled at the fact that BEOS-generated evidence was the major factor that decided Ms. Sharma’s trial (the lady herself has refused to plead guilty), even when the science behind it hasn’t been thoroughly confirmed. It should be noted, however, that peer-review in this case indicates that the research hasn’t been looked at outside of India; moreover, British investigators who visited Mukundan in India have been so impressed by the test that they invited him down to give a talk at the Center for Forensic Neuroscience.

What are even more worrying to many ethicists are the implications of this new technology. They envision a frightening scenario: details about the person in question could be teased out, as they were claimed to be in Ms. Sharma’s case, without any speech at all on the suspect’s part. But Mukundan argues that the silence involved in the test means that the suspect isn’t subject to any physical or psychological force that would drag a spoken response out from him/her. He moreover points out that despite its shortcomings, BEOS is an improvement on many forms of interrogations – including the polygraph test, which only measures anxiety, and brain mapping, which is even less specific than BEOS about the type of knowledge the subject holds.

There’s no doubt that BEOS could be revolutionary if it truly worked. In fact, it could be as momentous as the advent of DNA profiling. In places where interrogations often have to take the form of physical violence, BEOS would be particularly helpful, if it is the economical choice. And if it is refined, it could be more accurate than many other forms of interrogation. But the question remains: how fundamentally precise is the BEOS test? How can we be certain what is being remembered when the subject is under the test – is it the crime, the recounting of the crime by someone else, or something tangential to the question?

This, ultimately, is what should stop BEOS from being used in forensics, more than any Orwellian fears of the future. If BEOS indeed proved to be accurate and resulted in a sort of science fiction world where guilt was resolved from thought, then public opinion and some sense of justice would likely force regulations and legislations on the use of the procedure. But if the background science of BEOS is faulty, then Ms. Sharma’s sentence would be unjust, even if she is indeed guilty; what about the moral repercussions of a widely used BEOS system in the future?

India has, notwithstanding the brain drain, attempted to be a pioneer of research and technology and has certainly succeeded to a great extent. But notwithstanding this, there might be a strong reason why the BEOS technique has received minimal coverage even in Indian news, considering its possible repercussions: it simply isn’t ready to be used conclusively in a court of law. And until BEOS has been proved to work beyond reasonable doubt, India probably shouldn’t be risking its scientific reputation on the mere promise of a magic bullet for discovering guilt.

References:
http://www.outlookindia.com/pti_news.asp?id=588376
http://www.forensic-centre.com/newsroom/forensic-psychology-workshop-announcement:-lie-detection
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/15/world/asia/15brainscan.html?ex=1379217600&en=b822e762e041ed42&ei=5124&partner=permalink&exprod=permalink
http://www.practicalethicsnews.com/practicalethics/2008/09/i-suggest-it-wa.html
http://www.theness.com/neurologicablog/?p=378

Photo Courtesy: reighleblanc

As I hurried to the library to catch up on schoolwork, I was stopped on the steps by Arvind, who would later become Nazar’s first President. “Do you like writing?” was practically his first question. “Sure!” I said. And that was when my college life changed dramatically for the better.

That almost casual enquiry led to my joining Nazar’s pioneer executive committee - ironically, despite my interest in writing, as Secretary. At first, most of us thought it was just a lot of fun. We roped in our friends, discussed the structure of the constitution, and held elections. Nazar was a brand new organization that pledged to get out a publication dedicated to all things South Asian, something no one else in UT had previously succeeded in. We all decided it was the coolest idea, and enthusiastically set about planning for a print run.

No matter how spectacular the idea was, we still had to grapple with one small detail: our finances, which were non-existent. We realized that if we really wanted to enjoy developing Nazar, we’d have to start taking things much more seriously. It was in the midst of this difficulty that we realized how much easier (and cheaper) everything would be if Nazar were an online magazine.

It’s now been more than two years since the idea of Nazar was born, and a year since we began publishing articles online. But more than marking dates and anniversaries, I like the idea of marking our progress; not just Nazar as an organization, but of all of us, as members, potential leaders, and as a community.

Because this is what Nazar has always intended to be: a forum, not just for South Asians on the UT campus, but for our readers from more than 80 countries. A place that welcomes and fosters thought and discussion, not just through our articles but between readers and ourselves. And a community eager to explore anything South Asian, not just in the sub-continent, but in our campus and in the United States. This is one of the things I love most about Nazar - the opportunity to learn about the South Asian region and its people.

Now, as Editor-in-Chief, I’ve been offered the equally wonderful opportunity of leading Nazar’s editorial team. For the past year, I’ve had the privilege of working with some excellent writers and helping them get their ideas out there. As Nazar moves into its second year, I want to ensure that our writers are recognized for their talent, and that we as an organization make our presence better known on campus.

But this wouldn’t happen without the support of our readers and the University of Texas at Austin. Nazar’s readership has grown because our readers commented on our articles, sparked debates and drew more viewers in to experience multiple points of view. Our readers are, in fact, helping us develop into the forum we want to be. As a campus organization, moreover, we’re indebted to UT Austin for both funds and support. The South Asia Institute has been particularly helpful with its monetary support, and the University’s resource centers for organizations equally so with their advice. Other organizations, both off- and on-campus, have also been highly encouraging, and we look forward to building better relations with them.

Completing a year of our online publication was eventful, and at times extremely difficult, but it’s been a fantastic experience for us. I believe, however, that Nazar is currently just brushing the surface of its full potential. With a print publication planned for next year, a new executive committee, and an excellent editorial team, I have no doubt that we’ll continue to improve in leaps and bounds.

Here’s to an amazing year - and to many, many more.

Since his election in November, President-elect Obama’s budding administration has set to work attempting to find alternate solutions to the martial travesty that is Guantanamo Bay. Finally, the conflict between civil liberties and national security is being addressed outside of classrooms and on a policy level. From an international perspective, however, the world’s fiercest democracy heralds this policy shift slightly belatedly, as the world’s largest democracy, India, seems to be in danger of re-hashing America’s democratic unraveling.

India’s new anti-terror laws, near duplicates of the discredited Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act of 2002 (POTA), reek of political strategy in the wake of November’s Mumbai attacks and speak to the UPA’s¹ desire not to seem “soft on terrorism”—the phrase that Bush, Jr. so zealously coined. Condemned after the most recent attacks for its numerous transgressions and inability to eradicate so-called “home-grown” terrorism, the UPA now brandishes amendments to the 1967 Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The amendments stop one revoked-civil liberty short of POTA and, in conjunction with provisions to instate a National Investigating Agency (NIA) to specifically probe acts of terrorism, have roused the ire of human rights activists and civil libertarians worldwide.

India’s new definition of terrorism under the amendments is so broad that it includes even the damage or destruction of property, or anything “likely to…strike terror in the people of India…” [emphasis added].² Then, too, “membership” in a “terrorist gang or organization” is not defined³, placing at risk the freedom of assembly afforded to various minority groups. The maximum period of pre-trial detention has been extended from 90 days to 180 days for people suspected of engaging in terrorism—and even the 90 day-period was far beyond that of other democracies. There are no safeguards against the cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment of prisoners that, as the United States has proven, inevitably accompanies arrests without charge. Another section of the revised act denies bail to foreign nationals who enter India illegally, which, despite seeming reasonable on the surface, has been misused by a number of states against refugees and vulnerable minorities. There is no mandatory appeal or review process after the detention has taken place. Indeed, the court is permitted to presume guilt in any terrorism case that includes the possession of arms or explosives⁴ —a reversal of the burden of proof that is both placed upon the democratic state and absolutely crucial to the sanctity of the judicial process. The list of unacceptable provisions continues, authorizing the warrantless compulsion of information relating to the crime, as well as private, “special courts” for the NIA akin to the failed military tribunals in the United States. Adding to the problem is the understanding that before they were repealed or lapsed, both the POTA and the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), were grossly abused to repress political dissent and target marginalized communities.

Much of the international community expected “India’s 9/11” to prompt such a response; after all, America did the same without actually penning as much until 2003. Seven years after 9/11, however, as the nation that declared the “War on Terror” begins to grapple with the results of its foreign policy and national security decisions, it hardly seems wise for India to pass sweeping anti-terror legislation in an attempt to implement a “gloves off” approach to terrorism. The struggling democracy is legally bound to a number of international treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), but the UAPA amendments underscore a larger shift by democracies to sacrifice international ideals of human rights and individual liberty for laws that demonstrate a solid stance against terrorism. Unfortunately, these anti-terror laws have simply proven ineffective, generating an abysmally low conviction rate in the United States even after the Military Commissions Act was passed.

I do not presume to know what India must do to improve its national security and deal with the recent attacks. The nation is in dire need of a serious democratic and infrastructural overhaul, and it cannot deal with its terrorism in the same costly manner that America did. But even if it could, it should not want to. The new American administration has colossal challenges ahead: how to reconcile justice with Rumsfeld’s legal finagling; how to deal with all manner of coerced confessions, otherwise inadmissible in court; what to do with the 98 percent of Guantanamo Bay detainees who are innocent; and, how to reconstruct the image of America as the beacon of freedom and democracy. Regardless of India’s desire to seem “tough on terror,” the UAPA amendments are neither pragmatic nor effective at combating terrorism. Instead, they attempt yet another quick fix for a nation that has known little else in the past decades. They do a little patchwork and cover up a hole or two, all the while disregarding a moth-eaten fabric.

India, as it attempts to rapidly climb the echelons of world influence, cannot afford to be labeled anything resembling “uncivilized,” nor can it afford the international outcry provoked by the United States’ measures in the past few years. More importantly, however, it cannot afford to sacrifice the respect for fundamental human rights that differentiates it from China in public image; it cannot afford to undermine both its ongoing efforts to rise above divisive politics and religious feuding, and its opportunity, at this juncture, to become the nation that reacted to its 9/11 better than America reacted to the original.

Footnotes:
1. The United Progressive Alliance is the bloc of political parties currently heading the Indian government.
2. UAPA Amendment Bill, 2008. Sec. 4.
3. UAPA, 2004. Sec 2(o).
4. UAPA Amendment Bill, 2008. Sec. 12.

Photo Courtesy: itzafineday

On November 26^th, at approximately 9.40pm IST, an event unfolded that has left Bombay reeling in shock. This may not be the attack with the highest death toll, but it is certainly the best-planned and most gruesome attempt to bring Bombay to its knees. This is the most recent in a series of terrorist attacks that have taken place in India this year. The series of events so far is as follows:

A person armed with an automatic weapon started firing indiscriminately at people on the street near Café Leopold in the popular Colaba area. A few minutes later, shots and explosions were heard at the nearby Chattrapati Shivaji Terminus, which is one of the city’s busiest train stations. As the police scrambled to reach the sites where the attacks took place, taxis were blown up at Mazgaon, a crowded Muslim-dominated area in South Bombay, and Vile Parle, a predominantly Gujarati suburb.

More gunshots were heard at the Taj Mahal Hotel at Apollo Bunder and at the Trident at Nariman Point. These are two of the biggest and most famous landmarks of the city. As the media tried to make sense out of all these events, gunshots were heard at the Cama Hospital as well. In the early hours of the morning, Nariman House was also understood to be under siege.

The first reaction was that a gang-war had erupted on the streets. Indiscriminate firing in public was an event usually associated with an encounter or a gang-war, events that were common in Bombay during the 1990s when the police force went on a mission to reduce organized crime. But it quickly became evident that the firings and the taxi explosions were nothing but a distraction created by the terrorists to reach their ultimate goal: the Taj and the Trident were under siege.

The Army, the Rapid Action Force (RAF), and the National Security Guard (NSG) were called in. Schools and colleges remained closed on Thursday. However, businesses in other parts of the city were open. Most of South Bombay’s commercial district, which is enclosed by Nariman Point on one side an Apollo Bunder on the other, had been locked down. There is a curfew in place in those parts as well.

On any given day during this time of the year, there are hundreds, if not thousands, of people inside each of these hotels. They are where the celebrities, the businesspeople and the wealthy tourists go to or live in while in Bombay. The terrorists quickly took over the hotels, and a gun battle ensued. As of now, over fifteen policemen have been killed, and the total death toll stands at 101. The policemen who have lost their lives include three of the top officers from the anti-terrorism squad of Bombay.

As of this moment, more than 26 hours have passed since the first firing at Colaba. So far, the terrorists have hijacked police cars, thrown grenades at innocent people, set fire to parts of the Trident and the Historic Wing of the Taj Mahal Hotel, and killed over a hundred people. However, there has been some positive news. Two terrorists who tried to escape were gunned down near Girgaum Chowpatty in the wee hours of the morning. Seven of the hostages at the Nariman House have been released. Most recently, thirty-nine hostages were released from the Trident. It has not been confirmed as of now whether the situation is completely out of control or not, as the buildings in questions are very large and combing operations take time. One terrorist has been caught alive. A satellite phone has been retrieved from a terrorist who was killed in the gun battle. Five calls were made to Karachi through that phone right after the hotels were taken over.

These terrorists have been the cause of a lot of panic, for various reasons. First, they snuck in by boat and walked in right through the Gateway of India without being noticed. What was the Coast Guard doing? Second, they created a successful distraction, which made it easy for them to gain control of the hotels. This signals meticulous planning on their part. Third, they systematically killed the top cops of the anti-terrorist squad who were leading the retaliatory campaign. These cops were also part of the investigation team for the Mumbai train blasts and the recent Malegaon blasts. Fourth, they specifically targeted foreigners. Colaba, and the two hotels are very popular with tourists coming from abroad. Reports given by hostages who were freed state that the terrorists specifically rounded up people with American, British and Israeli passports.

These factors signify the arrival of international terrorist organizations in India. These attacks were far more sophisticated in the way they were planned, the tactics used, the weapons used and the groups involved. A little-known organization called the Deccan Mujahedeen has claimed responsibility, but experts believe that this name is another tool used to distract everyone from the real people involved. A consensus among the media is that this event could possibly be traced to Al-Qaeda.

The blame game

I stand behind the government at a difficult time like this. But once this horrendous situation has subsided, a lot of tough questions need to be asked. What has the government been doing? It is distressing that neither the Coast Guard nor the Navy detected a boat laden with several pounds of RDX sailed to the Gateway of India unchecked. The plethora of Indian Intelligence agencies didn’t have a clue. The police and the RAF seem ill-trained and ill-equipped to deal with the hostage situation. The NSG unit had to be flown in from Delhi. Why isn’t there a unit in Bombay?

As usual, politicians have come out with statements praising the spirit of Bombay. Floods. Bombs. Terrorists. It’s the same thing over and over again. The spirit of Bombay. It’s not the spirit; it’s the possibility of losing a day’s salary that makes the average man go to work the next day, even if it means risking his life for it. Time and again, the administration has failed to provide a safe environment for its citizens. Think of what this incident means for India’s business climate, its tourism industry, and its self-confidence.

I understand that such an event is unprecedented. But what really scares me is that I don’t think the administration is going to learn anything from all this. They didn’t learn anything the last time around. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance is too soft on terror. This is reflected by the alarming rise in terrorist attacks in the years the Congress has been in power. It is also shown from the fact that the Congress was only too eager to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Activities (POTA) Act, which, when enacted by the BJP, gave sweeping powers to the Government to swiftly try cases related to terrorism and levy heavy penalties on those proven guilty. Now that POTA has been repealed, it takes ages for terrorism cases to go through the regular courts.

India needs to be more proactive in the war on terror immediately. It means flexing its muscles to warn Pakistan and Bangladesh to stop aiding terrorist activities. It means punishing those found guilty in a swift and consistent manner. It means having an administration which does not shy away from aggressive behavior. When the security of a nation is at stake, proactiveness is the order of the day. The Congress needs to man up to the challenge, or resign from power.

What does this mean for the average citizen of Bombay? He or she can’t really do anything about it. As I watched the plume of smoke rise from the Trident, a feeling of helplessness took over me. My first reaction was to call people I know and make sure that they were okay. A friend of mine was caught in the gunfire at Colaba. Another one was fifty feet away when the taxi blew up at Vile Parle. Luckily, both escaped unhurt. As the news unfolded, the whole city was glued to its television sets into the wee hours of the morning. A combination of angst, fear, confusion, distress, helplessness, sorrow and rage engulfed me. The beautiful view of Nariman Point in the distance, affectionately called the Queen’s Necklace, had been tainted. As the sound of gunfire and explosions pierced the air into the night, I cried my heart out. I’m sure Bombay was crying too.

Sources:

Eyewitness accounts by the author

www.ibnlive.com

www.timesofindia.com

Live news on CNN-IBN and NDTV 24×7

Photo Courtesy: Dotcompal, Justin Gaurav Murgai, Stuti ~, James Cridland

Click here to read a review of Jhalak ‘08.

The 2008 Border-Gavaskar Trophy will be remembered for many things. Indian cricket bid farewell to two legends - Sourav Ganguly and Anil Kumble. Ishant Sharma staked his claim to be considered as the best bowler in the world by becoming the first Indian bowler to win a Man-of-the-Series award at home in 25 years. Gautam Gambhir repaid the selectors’ faith in him by scoring over 400 runs and becoming the leading run scorer in the series. MS Dhoni proved that he is the man to guide Indian cricket into a new era. However, I believe that this series holds even greater importance when examined from a global standpoint. This series signals the end of Australia as the dominant team of our era. And there are two ways of looking at this. On one hand, things are going to be much more balanced now with teams like India, South Africa and England all challenging Australia to be the best team in the world. On the other hand, there is no doubt that standards have fallen. The current Australian team can’t hold a candle to Steve Waugh’s Untouchables who won a world record 16 tests in a row.

For India, this series could very well prove to be the beginning of something big. India now has a settled opening pair in Gautam Gambhir and Virender Sehwag. Both players know each other well as they open in all three forms of the game and also for Delhi in the IPL. It is also hard to believe that a country which has never been known for producing fast bowlers, now has a stockpile of world class performers. Zaheer Khan is finally displaying the maturity that he requires to lead the attack. Ishant Sharma established himself as one of the leading bowlers in cricket today. The most impressive thing about Ishant Sharma’s rise to the top has been his willingness to learn and ability to adapt. Both Ishant and Zaheer can’t afford to be complacent as they have the likes of RP Singh, Munaf Patel and Sreesanth waiting in the wings. Amit Mishra bowled intelligently and can now be considered Kumble’s successor.

Even the experienced players stepped up to the plate. Harbhajan Singh rediscovered his bowling form but more importantly, he conveyed a sense of joy while playing his cricket. This was something that was missing from his cricket over the last couple of years. All that is needed now is for Harbhajan to display the maturity that is befitting of him as the leading spinner. Sachin Tendulkar, too, showed how much he can still offer the Indian team at the age of 35.

The only real cause for concern was the dismal form of Rahul Dravid. Dravid only managed to score 120 runs at an abysmal average of 17. Besides the poor numbers, Dravid looked mentally frail and alarmingly unfocused. The selectors should consider giving him a rest so he can regain his confidence. MS Dhoni impressed greatly with his captaincy and even had a decent series with the bat. It is no coincidence that India won both the games that Dhoni captained. The most striking feature of Dhoni is his poise - nothing ever seems to rattle him and he also displays great equanimity when dealing with either success or failure. Dhoni must also be commended for his remarkable gesture when he allowed Sourav Ganguly to captain the team one last time. It showed his sense of occasion and maturity as he saw no need to bask in the limelight.

Looking ahead, I hope this series serves as a platform for the Indian team. The batting looks settled with the exception of Rahul Dravid, and India’s bowling attack is varied and effective. The only glaring weakness is the absence of a world class all rounder. Indian cricket has never been in better health. There is no denying that the past has been filled with false dawns . But one gets the feeling that with Dhoni as the leader, India may well be in prime position to capture Australia’s #1 spot.

Photo Courtesy: ali_pk